Once Elected, Can Tyrants Be Dislodged? July 9, 2024 You saw the good outcomes in Europe. Progressives won in Britain. In France, Trump-like nationalists finished third. (Watch what Le Pen says about being allied with Trump/Putin — 40 seconds.) Normal, free and fair democratic elections. But of course that’s not how it works in Putin’s Russia or Kim’s North Korea — or lots of other places around the world. A friend writes to say: We must not forget about the upcoming presidential “election” in Venezuela on the 28th. It would be following the now typical Nicaraguan model of democratic pretense, except that down here, we are all learning a lesson in charismatic leadership. Lo and behold, Maria Corina Machado (MCM) is spearheading the democratic opposition to the current authoritarian and quasi-brutal regime. They disqualify her, threaten her, put innumerable obstacles in her way, and she responds brilliantly and her movement only grows. Everyone now knows that in an even vaguely equitable election, she (or since they disqualified her, her surrogate candidate Edmundo González) would win in a landslide. All of a sudden, this stolid, dense authoritarian regime has an unanticipated and non-trivial problem on its hands. Chavismo wants to pretend to have a democratic election, but they have no intention (ZERO) of giving up power except in a few carefully negotiated instances for appearance’s sake. (Where would they go, if not to jail?) So they have long been training in the techniques of the heavy-handed regimes of Cuba and Nicaragua, which have demonstrated real success at staying in power at whatever cost. But now they find that they have MCM all over them, and it is increasingly unclear how they can fake it. This is the stuff of Nelson Mandela on a local, Latina scale. So keep an eye on what is coming in Venezuela and pray for the best. (If you should want to say anything publicly to call attention to this, please keep me completely anonymous. The heat is on down here.) For more on this, watch Thor Halvorssen’s conversation with the bravest woman in South America. Whether it’s Joe or someone else, we have to win or else Trump (and then his son) will never leave. And then what? The Lincoln Project: “For those who can’t imagine the death of American democracy, we imagined it for you” (4 minutes).
Taking The Win July 7, 2024July 7, 2024 I’ve long said Joe’s been a great president who’ll always put the country first. Millions of his fans now believe he should do the selfish thing: take the win and pass the torch. I say “the selfish thing” because he would: > Go down in history as one of our greatest presidents. > Avoid the frighteningly real risk of being remembered, instead, for extinguishing the torch. (Sure — like Russia and China, we’ll have elections. We’ll have courts. We’ll have a legislature. Even North Korean has those things. But — like those countries, the ranks of whose leaders Trump hopes to join — we’d have a strongman bent on total control, very possibly for more than two terms, with a son in the wings ready to extend his rule. The Statue of Liberty weeps at the thought. The Founders roll in their graves.) > Get to relax. God knows he’s earned it. Because the President is known more for his resilience, modesty, empathy, love of family, and love of country than for his selfishness — the man took Amtrak for decades, and have I ever told you my grilled cheese story? — doing the selfish thing, if he does it, will be hard. And one more reason to admire him. Because the only metric that matters here is who has the best chance of winning. If it’s Biden/Harris, that should be our team. If it’s Harris/Shapiro or Harris/Coons, that should be our team. If a Whitmer/Warnock or a Whitmer/Wes Moore team emerges from a mini-primary, that should be our team. No matter who our team is, I’m all in. Maureen Dowd’s take, in case you missed it. The Escalation Trap POTUS needs to avoid. OKAY, IF YOU INSIST Picture it: Vice President Biden is headlining our annual LGBT dinner, this one in D.C. I ask one of his long-time aides if there’s anything he wouldn’t expect us to know that we could surprise him with. “Believe it or not, he likes those little miniature grilled cheese sandwich hors d’oeuvres.” “Really?” “Really.” “Perfect.” I call the hotel and ask that they prepare a plate of these things for the photo line portion of the evening. “Oh. Let me see whether we can do that,” he says. “Whether your chef can make a grilled cheese sandwich?” “No, I’m sure he can do that. But it’s more complicated than that.” It turns out that any time the Vice President is going to eat something prepared outside his or her normal routine, a high-ranking naval officer needs to be in the kitchen for the 24 hours before. An admiral, I think. My memory has gone a little hazy on this. Maybe not a full admiral, and maybe not a full 24 hours. But something like that. “Seriously???” I said on the second or third phone call when I was told, sorry, this four-star hotel could not prepare a little plate of grilled cheese squares for the V.P. “Yes, I’m very sorry.” So now it’s the night of the dinner and Charles and I have purposely hung back to be the last ones in the photo line, to have a moment alone. “I’m so sorry! I had hoped to have a plate of little grilled cheese sandwiches for you.” “Oh, I love those things — how did you know?” So I tell him the story. “Oh, for crying out loud,” he laughs, rolling his eyes. “Like someone’s really going to try to assassinate the Vice President.”
The Court, The Election, and Plan B July 2, 2024July 3, 2024 THE COURT Rachel on the Court’s immunity ruling (90 seconds). The rule of law in this country means that the law is not used as the instrument of the ruler; the rule of law is supposed to constrain the ruler. And the Supreme Court just undid that. And the only way out of this is to put someone in the White House from here on out who will not abuse the absolutely tyrannical power they have just been granted. So how do we do that? THE ELECTION Most of us agree there’s only one valid consideration: we should do whatever gives us the best chance of winning. And most of us agree Joe Biden and his team have done a terrific job: restoring decency and dignity to the Office, competence and honesty to the Administration; reversing the decades-long decay of our infrastructure; bringing inflation and unemployment down, manufacturing jobs home; restoring our alliances, standing up to Russian aggression, appointing progressive judges, confronting climate change . . . and more. On Joe ‘s watch, wages are now rising faster than inflation, the stock market’s at record highs, we’re the largest energy-producing country in the world, and crime rates have fallen. Not bad for an old guy. So . . . stick with Joe? open convention? something else? Conversations are in overdrive. Tom Friedman’s column yesterday likely made sense to a lot of people. You should probably stop here and read it. I’ve heard from really smart people on all sides. That the Biden team has not seized on “the antihistamine theory” suggests Thursday’s debate performance was not the result of a cold pill after all — and the President is too honest to pretend that it was. Which leaves us with the Gish gallop theory — that someone as bright as you or me can be flummoxed by a tsunami of outlandish claims. (See: Donald Trump’s Shocking Box Score: 602 Lies in Just 40 Minutes.) For the President to bounce back, most people believe he needs to do extended interviews like this one with Stephanopoulos scheduled for Friday. He can come right out and say — Look. I’m an old guy with a lifelong stutter who has trouble confronting a fire hose of lies with 50 million people watching me. But my job isn’t to be a debater, it’s to assemble and lead a terrific team to make life better for the American people. So I’m here to answer anything you want to know about inflation and immigration and health care and all the other things that matter to folks. But first let me just say: only 4 of the top 44 people in his administration have endorsed him. The people he appointed who worked most closely with him won’t endorse him. Some have written books begging folks not to support him. Think about that! What does that tell you? I may be boring and old, but I’m effective. I know right from wrong. I tell the truth. And when I misspeak, as I often have all my life, I correct my mistakes. I don’t insist on “alternate facts.” Our infrastructure is being revitalized and our country is getting stronger every day. And if Trump hadn’t killed the bipartisan border bill, we would have ended that crisis by now. TRUMP killed it because he needs the crisis to continue so has an issue to run on. He needs it to stay out of jail. The immigration crisis is HIS crisis now. It’s Trump who has kept it from being fixed, for his own selfish reasons. Okay! Thanks for letting me get all that off my chest. Now fire away, George. And then, in a calm, relaxed way, they would discuss each issue in depth. If he can’t shine in that format brightly enough t0 shake the images from Thursday, we go to plan B, as Friedman argues we must. WHAT IS PLAN B? Part #1 would be simply for Joe to take the win. Pass the baton; go down in history as having been one of our greatest presidents ever; avoid the possibility of going down in history as the guy who lost democracy. And then? Some dream of Michelle Obama magically grabbing the baton — one poll has her beating Trump by 11 points. More likely combos might be Kamala Harris & Chris Coons or Gretchen Whitmer & Raphael Warnock. Some people would like to see the President come out into the Rose Garden flanked by everyone from the Clintons and Obamas to Nancy Pelosi, Gavin Newsom, Kerry Kennedy, Bernie Sanders, James Clyburn, Al Gore, Joe Manchin, A.O.C. . . . you get the idea . . . and basically “anoint” whatever team he and his advisors believe would give us the best chance of November 5. Another approach comes from a friend who writes: I would much prefer an open 6-week process with at least 3 candidates (say, Harris, Whitmer, Newsom) with Joe not choosing but pre-endorsing whichever wins. They’d do maybe 3 debates (that respect Reagan’s 11th commandment of not criticizing a member of their own party), driving Trump out of the news, showing off how good they are, driving resurgent-optimism/enthusiasm money to the DNC and culminating in a real, “woo-hoo for democracy” convention that has some actual excitement to it and huge viewership and culminates in the formerly-Biden delegates actually choosing whoever the hell they choose, and then busting out into Sept-Oct to beat the pants off Trump, with a fresh, virile (of either gender) media- and convention-legitimized winner of a candidate who makes Trump look like the pasty old gasbag he is, and Joe active in the campaign. That — disorder, excitement, suspense, validation — to me is a way better scenario than some backroom deal in which Joe bows out for a pre-determined successor. BTW, it would also leave Kennedy with only otherwise-Trump voters. Each debate (maybe each stump speech) begins “All three of us are a vastly better, positive choice than Trump, and I will enthusiastically support and campaign for either of my friendly rivals if I am not the nominee. That’s why I’m not going to say a negative word about either of them, just try to tell and show you about me and how I would fulfill the office if elected, and hope that gains the delegates’ support.” It’s actually a FUN 6 weeks!! Whatever happens, it seems now to be happening fast. And I go back to what I posted right after the shock of the debate: All I’m going to say for now is that Joe Biden has been a great, great president — his record is terrific; his decency, exemplary — and will do, I believe, whatever gives us the best chance of defeating Trump.
The Antihistamine Theory and What The Campaign Itself Is Saying June 30, 2024June 30, 2024 In some ways, the “open convention” position — of which, after the horrible debate, I was sure was the right course — is safest for people like you and me, who follow this stuff closely and care passionately: > If we’re ignored and Joe wins, we’re thrilled. We won! (And can still feel sure we would have won by even more with someone else.) > If we’re ignored and he loses, we’re in despair — but at least can tell ourselves (perhaps rightly), “if only they had listened to us!” > If Joe steps aside and we win, we’re thrilled. We won! And can tell ourselves we wouldn’t have, had we not pushed for a new nominee. > If he steps aside and we lose, we can tell ourselves, again, perhaps rightly, we would have lost even worse with Joe. So in a sense there’s no downside to taking this position (as I did for the first hours after the debate). Except that it may be the wrong position. Here are two reasons I’m not nearly as certain as I was initially that we should do anything other than keep our heads down and return this great president to office for four more successful years: What I call THE ANTIHISTAMINE THEORY and WHAT THE CAMPAIGN ITSELF IS SAYING. I’m going to start with the latter. It’s long, but so worth reading. WHAT THE CAMPAIGN IS SAYING To: Interested Parties From: Jen O’Malley Dillon Subject: The View From The Battlegrounds Date: June 29, 2024 It’s a familiar story: Following Thursday night’s debate, the beltway class is counting Joe Biden out. The data in the battleground states, though, tells a different story. On every metric that matters, data shows it did nothing to change the American people’s perception, our supporters are more fired up than ever, and Donald Trump only reminded voters of why they fired him four years ago and failed to expand his appeal beyond his MAGA base. Here’s what else the voters saw immediately following the debate: President Biden met with grassroots supporters in Atlanta, dipped into Waffle House for some late night food and some selfies, then touched down in North Carolina where he shook every hand on the tarmac before a rally the next day with fired-up voters that highlighted the stark contrast at the center of this race. At the same time, Vice President Harris was campaigning in battleground Nevada. And our surrogates and tens of thousands of volunteers spent the week organizing and mobilizing Americans – because that is the work winning campaigns do. Every single day matters in reaching the voters who will decide this election. But for all the hand-wringing coming out of Thursday, here’s the truth: this election was incredibly close before Thursday, and by every metric we’ve seen since, it remains just as close. Flash polls from CNN, 538, SurveyUSA, Morning Consult, and Data for Progress show what we expected: The debate did not change the horse race. This mirrors what the campaign’s internal post-debate polling showed: The president maintained his support among his 2020 voters and voters’ opinions were not changed. CNN: “An 81% majority of registered voters who watched the debate say it had no effect on their choice for president, with another 14% saying that it made them reconsider but didn’t change their mind. Just 5% say it changed their minds about whom to vote for.” 538: “The face-off doesn’t seem to have caused many people to reconsider their vote.” SurveyUSA: Continues to show a tight race between President Biden and Donald Trump, consistent with public polling averages pre-debate. Morning Consult: A new large-sample, independent poll has President Biden gaining 1 point post-debate, now leading 45-44. Data for Progress: Vote choice between Trump and Biden remains largely unchanged, and Biden continues to run ahead of other Democrats in a Trump matchup. Geoff Garin of Hart Research: “I am finishing my second battleground state poll post-debate and both surveys show the same thing: the debate had no effect on the vote choice. The election was extremely close and competitive before the debate, and it is still extremely close and competitive today.” Following the debate, our internal dials showed President Biden led Trump on key measures of being presidential, speaking to the issues that matter, and being likable by more than 20 points. Dials showed that independent voters were turned off by Trump’s personal attacks, and had deep negative feelings when Trump talked about January 6, his support for Putin, and refusing to lay out his vision for America. Our internal poll confirmed the dials: Trump’s performance left independent voters feeling less confident about his position on reproductive rights and abortion, respect for the Constitution and rule of law, and truthfulness. Debate dials conducted by outside groups in Phoenix, Arizona largely confirm what we saw from internal dials. A few key takeaways: “Overall, voters say that the debate for the most part didn’t change their overall outlook of either candidate.” “Trump’s refusal to answer questions in a straightforward manner and his exaggerated boasting fed into perceptions that he cares more about himself than solving peoples’ issues.” “Biden’s strongest moments were on matters of policy substance, and voters thought he better addressed their concerns on the issues than did Trump.” In focus groups of voters who watched the debate, President Biden won on substance: As one undecided voter in Warren, Michigan told CNN: “When it comes to a strong leader and what we’re looking for in a leader, I’m looking for somebody that I trust to be able to uphold policies that will protect me, and are more concerned for the general well being of everybody in the United States, which I got more from Biden considering he did a lot more talking about policies, and what he’s done and what he plans to do. Whereas on the other side from Trump, all I really heard was ‘I’ve done this and it was the best ever,’ but I never heard what it was…” This was reinforced in a focus group too from Univision in Arizona showing undecided Latino voters that moved toward Biden following the debate Across the battlegrounds, our state campaigns have received an influx of volunteer enthusiasm and support, which we are channeling into voter outreach: More than three times as many people applied to work on the campaign in the 24 hours following the debate than apply on an average day. Post-debate, across the battlegrounds, our rate of volunteer signups was more than three times as much as an average day. In North Carolina, we had our largest event of the campaign on Friday, with thousands of people turning out to hear the president give strong and forceful remarks. This weekend, Team Biden-Harris launched a massive mobilization blitz to engage thousands of volunteers and supporters at over 1,500 events across battleground states. That same enthusiasm is showing up in the campaign’s fundraising: In the wake of the debate, Team Biden-Harris raised more than $27 million between debate day and Friday evening. Debate night saw three record-breaking hours for grassroots fundraising – including the hour following the debate which was the best one hour of grassroots fundraising since launch. If we do see changes in polling in the coming weeks, it will not be the first time that overblown media narratives have driven temporary dips in the polls. In 2012, we saw media coverage of President Obama’s first debate performance drive a large, but temporary, drop in his polling – driven almost entirely by fewer Democrats answering polls in the days after the debate, rather than true changes in support. This drop in polling led to highly reactionary headlines that didn’t reflect swing voters’ true opinions: Romney romps in debate snap polls, Politico Not debatable: Obama Stumbles, Politico How Obama’s debate plan bombed, Politico Why was President Obama so bad?, The Washington Post Romney Narrows Vote Gap After Historic Debate Win, Gallup When Romney Trounced Obama, CNN Bottom line: Our team knows a thing or two about putting our heads down and doing the work to win hard races. This will be a very close election. It was always going to be. It will be won by breaking through and talking to voters every single day, making our case to them about just how high the stakes are and who is fighting for them. That’s what our campaign has been planning for. It’s the relentless work we’re doing on the ground to get our winning message out that makes us confident President Biden will win this race and beat Donald Trump. THE ANTIHISTAMINE THEORY Basically, it’s that a cold pill the President took Thursday produced the horrible result. This would explain how he got stronger and clearer as the debate went on and the drug had begun to wear off (by which time so many had switched it off in despair), and how — once the drug had worn off completely — he completely bounded back, as I described yesterday. I will admit that when I first read that theory in Newsweek (also run, with less distracting advertising, here), I thought it was ridiculous. I preferred my “Gish gallop” theory, based on my own experience. But here’s how the co-author of the theory, Jeff Sonnenfeld, has responded to skepticism like mine: Roughly a million board certified physicians received yesterday’s Newsweek piece I coauthored with Yale’s renowned Dr. Harlan Krumholtz via Med Page Today, the country’s #1 medical newsletter, resulting in widespread concurrence with our theory from thousands including pharmacologists, neurologists, psychiatrists, and internal medicine experts. I have no idea how effective the current presidential physician is, but you can make your own judgment before you endorse chaos. Perhaps he was not on top of his game either. This is not about Biden suffering the sniffles, but rather how a harmless common cold was probably treated. Whenever you go before large audiences, suffering from congestion and sore throat, you likely take some over-the-counter medication. For normal, healthy, cognitively functional older people, this can be dangerous. First-generation antihistamines such as diphenhydramine (Benadryl) unlike pseudoephedrine (by contrast a stimulant) which are in most cold tablets, frequently cause many side effects in older adults, such as confusion, dizziness, drowsiness, reduced executive function, blurred vision, and sedation. If you think you know better than thousands of expert physicians, read the non-controversial massive research on this demonstrated risk and then reflect on Biden’s remarkable immediate resilience, perfectly in-line with the half-life from when the medication would have worn off. I still like my theory. But the two are certainly not mutually exclusive. Either way, I believe the president is fit to continue his remarkable record of success, heading up a team of 4,000 appointees who are doing a great job. And though the first of Lawrence O’Donnell’s arguments was his weakest — that viewership was low — there is a counter argument to be made. Yes, in this era of social media, everyone saw excruciating clips. But the opposition already had more than a few excruciating clips (many of them doctored) to run endlessly between now and the election. Everybody already knows Joe’s old and not always strong of voice. And at least some know he refused to wear a boot after he fell off that bike and hurt his ankle, which has affected his gait. Yet he has accomplished more for the country, walking and talking like an old man, than perhaps any president since FDR. Which may be why the debate may not have changed many minds. And if what I call the antihistamine theory does wind up explaining the awful debate, then the fear so many have — that he’s suddenly gone into rapid decline — evaporates. One last thing: A lot of you have written concerned that Joe won’t be able to make it to the end of his second term, or, at the very least, continue to age. The former is actuarially unlikely. But if he does die, the White House will stay in progressive, democratic — small D, as opposed to autocratic — hands. So I don’t care. (Well, of course, I do care; but you know what I mean.) And though he will unquestionably age, I refer you again to the fortune you would have left on the table had you abandoned Berkshire Hathaway stock when Warren Buffett was 82. Or 86. Or 90. Or 93. SO I DON’T KNOW FOR SURE WHAT SHOULD BE DONE . . . SMARTER PEOPLE AT MUCH HIGHER LEVELS OF THE DEMOCRATIC ECOSPHERE THAN ME TOTALLY KNOW THE STAKES AND ARE THINKING ALL THIS THROUGH . . . BUT RIGHT NOW IT LOOKS TO ME AS THOUGH JOE’S THE MAN . . . JOE WILL WIN* . . . AND JOE WILL CONTINUE TO REVITALIZE OUR INFRASTRUCTURE, LOWER OUR DRUG COSTS, FIGHT FOR WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS, MAINTAIN OUR ALLIANCES, STAND UP AGAINST AUTHORITARIANISM AND INTOLERANCE, STAND UP FOR THE RULE OF LAW, UPHOLD HIS OATH OF OFFICE, AND CONTINUE TO EXEMPLIFY THE DIGNITY AND DECENCY OF THE PRESIDENCY. BONUS The Philadelphia Inquirer: To serve his country, Trump should leave the race. He won’t of course, because he’s afraid he’d go to prison. Because he hopes to be the strongest strongman in the world. And because he isn’t quite finished:
I Overacted. You, Too? June 29, 2024June 29, 2024 I stand by what I said yesterday, after Thursday night’s horrible debate. But privately, like almost all my friends and donors and the press, I was ready to pull the emergency cord. Open convention! Open convention! But, boy, did Lawrence O’Donnell last night provide the perspective we all need. I cannot urge you strongly enough to watch or to listen (wherever you get podcasts). And to share with everyone you know. Two personal notes. First: I was at the 25th annual LGBT fundraiser we started back when President Clinton came to a small dinner . . . and got to watch the President in action. He was terrific. But let me put it in perspective. In my case, knowing I would have to meet and greet lots of donors and then speak for four minutes, I didn’t get out of bed until 11, took it easy all day, suited up around 5, armed myself with an Advil and some Hall’s menthol eucalyptus lozenges, took the subway down to the Hammerstein ballroom and, after an hour of pre-event reception, glad-handing new and old friends over fairly loud background music, had lost my voice. And had that weird thing where one of my ear drums had gone into a hard-to-describe “echo” mode. (Has that ever happened to you?) So I stopped talking (“yes!” I hear those of you who know me best cry) and eventually the 400 or so of us at that reception went downstairs to the main event. I knew I was the last speaker on the program and, one way or another, would make it through my little remarks and welcome Alan Cumming back on the stage to close the night out. (If you don’t know Alan Cumming, look him up. He is as charming and cheeky and talented as anyone on the planet.) And I did get through my four minutes. My voice had returned and my eardrum had righted itself. But that was my day. For a four-minute talk. In the President’s case, he got up after however much sleep he had after that debate (I’m guessing not all that much?), flew to a rally in Raleigh where he was strong and terrific (watch or listen for clips), shaking hands and interacting with dozens of people, flew to New York for a rally with Elton John and loads of dignitaries at the Stonewall Inn, shaking hands and personally connecting with dozens more people, and then arrived at the Hammerstein ballroom, met individually for photos with each of more than 50 couples, interacting with each, then spoke to 900 of us SO well and SO forcefully that one of the attendees — who is no billionaire, by the way — came over to me afterward and gave another half million dollars. See the difference? And even I, with the bandwidth to do just one event moderately well, would be a vastly better president than Trump. (Hold that thought.) But in a debate? And that brings me to my second personal note. A long time ago I wrote a book about the insurance industry. And back then, I used to get paid tons of money to “speak” — typically, 45 minutes followed by Q&A followed by book signing. The book made it onto the Times best-seller list for 10 weeks because the publisher got me onto a few national TV shows and every local radio show in the world. The speeches were easy. I was usually pretty good. The occasional standing ovation, even. Only bombed three times (seared deeply into my memory). But the TV and radio appearances — which had always been a breeze with prior books — were a nightmare. Because the insurance industry had somehow obtained my schedule and gotten the stations always to book one of their people “for balance.” And I was terrible, even after the first few times, because I could do little more than sputter. They were saying so many things that were simply untrue or misleading or designed to keep me from finishing my point. It was combat, and I’m not good at combat; or at keeping my cool when someone lies and I know I should keep my cool, but . . . it was awful. I was awful. And yet I really was the one telling the truth. And the subtitle of the book (“Everything the Insurance Industry Never Wanted you to Know”) was true — there was a lot they didn’t want you to know . . . and were really good at keeping people from knowing it. And making my head explode. I can only imagine what it would have been like if I had had, in addition, a lifelong stutter to overcome. And still I’m telling you: I would be a vastly better president than Donald Trump. Joe Biden is a vastly better president than I could ever be. Please, please, please watch or listen to that Lawrence O’Donnell. Have a great weekend. One way or another, we’re gonna win!
Snap Your Fingers June 28, 2024 All I’m going to say for now is that Joe Biden has been a great, great president — his record is terrific; his decency, exemplary — and will do, I believe, whatever gives us the best chance of defeating Trump . . . an existential threat to everything the Founders risked their lives to create, and that so many since have risked — and lost — their lives to defend and preserve. In the meantime, check out this one-minute spot a friend created. I think it’s worth taking viral. More to come.
The Debate June 26, 2024 I’m guessing the President will do fine, especially if anyone cares about the dignity of the office or the direction of the country. (Or competence or integrity.) Trump is a magnificent human specimen — his doctor tells us there’s never been such a healthy president — and his testosterone level is off the charts. He’s quite literally in the fake wrestling hall of fame. As a showman and demagogue, no one beats him. But testosterone and entertainment value are not what the presidency is about. Richard Greene nails the age issue in 30 seconds. To the two issues he highlights, add any that matter to you: Climate? Voting rights? Health care? The rule of law? The peaceful transfer of power? Infrastructure? Ukraine? The bi-partisan bill Trump killed that would finally have ended the border crisis? (That’s his crisis! He needs it to regain power! How dare any Republican vote to end it!) Or — to go back to the most basic issue of all — how about the economy? As noted yesterday, not one Fortune 100 CEO is a Trump contributor. Does that tell you they think he’d be good for business? Good for the economy? Good for the country? Good for your 401(k)? Good for the price of all the goods and raw materials consumers and businesses import? He promises to raise all those prices by imposing tariffs. Mr. Trump continues to suffer from the lowest level of corporate support in the history of the Republican Party. The reality is that the top corporate leaders working today, like many Americans, aren’t entirely comfortable with either Mr. Trump or President Biden. But they largely like — or at least can tolerate — one of them. They truly fear the other. Not a single Fortune 100 chief executive has donated to the candidate so far this year, which indicates a major break from overwhelming business and executive support for Republican presidential candidates dating back over a century.” They fear him. However brilliantly and cogently — and with however much factual accuracy, dignity, and decorum — Trump performs in tomorrow’s debate, we should fear him, too.
A Contest Not Between Two Men, But Between Two Systems June 25, 2024 One where, if you oppose the elected leader — be he Putin, Orban, Xi, Kim Jong Un, or Trump — you have to fear “retribution.” The other — loosely known as liberal democracy (small “L,” small “D”) — where you don’t. That’s been the system I’ve enjoyed all my life and believed I always would. Yet Robert Kagan — Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart — argues that: One of liberalism’s great weaknesses has always been the belief in its own inevitability. Depending on the outcome 133 days from now, it will remain our system — or it won’t. . . . The institutions that America’s founders created to safeguard liberal democratic government cannot survive when half the country does not believe in the core principles that undergird the American system of government. The presidential election of 2024, therefore, will not be the usual contest between Republicans and Democrats. It is a referendum on whether the liberal democracy born out of the Revolution should continue. Today, tens of millions of Americans have risen in rebellion against that system. They have embraced Donald Trump as their leader because they believe he can deliver them from what they regard as the liberal oppression of American politics and society. If he wins, they will support whatever he does, including violating the Constitution to go after his enemies and political opponents, which he has promised to do. If he loses, they will reject the results and refuse to acknowledge the legitimacy of the federal government, just as the South did in 1860. Either way, the American liberal political and social order will fracture, perhaps irrecoverably. Although this crisis seems unprecedented, the struggle that is tearing the nation apart today is as old as the republic. The American Revolution did not just produce a new system of government dedicated to the protection of the rights of all individuals against government and community, the first of its kind in history. It also produced a reaction against those very liberal principles, by slaveholders and their white supporters, by religious movements, by those many Americans who have sought to preserve ancient, traditional hierarchies of peoples and beliefs against the leveling force of liberalism. This struggle between liberalism and antiliberalism has shaped international politics for the last two centuries and dominates the international scene today. But the same struggle has also been fought within the American system since the time of the Revolution. The idea that all Americans share a commitment to the nation’s founding principles has always been a pleasing myth, or perhaps a noble lie. We prefer to believe we all share the same fundamental goals and only disagree on the means of achieving them. But, in fact, large numbers of Americans have always rejected the founders’ claim that all men are created equal, with “unalienable” rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and they have persistently struggled against the imposition of those liberal values on their lives. Great numbers of Americans, from the time of the Revolution onward, have wished to see America in ethnoreligious terms, as fundamentally a white, Protestant nation whose character is an outgrowth of white, Christian, European civilization. Their goal has been to preserve a white, Christian supremacy, contrary to the founders’ vision, and they have tolerated the founders’ liberalism, and the workings of the democratic system, only when it has not undermined that cause. When it has, they have repeatedly rebelled against it. A straight line runs from the slaveholding South in the early to mid-nineteenth century to the post-Reconstruction South of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to the second Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s, to the Dixiecrats of the 1940s and ’50s, to Joseph McCarthy and the John Birch Society of the 1950s and ’60s, to the burgeoning Christian nationalist movement of recent decades, to the New Right of the Reagan Era, to the Republican Party of today. The issues change—from fluoridated water in the 1960s to vaccines today, from allegedly communist-inspired Girl Scout handbooks in the 1950s to elementary-school curricula today. The circumstances have varied—these movements have arisen in hard times, such as after the 2008 financial crisis, and in good times, in the boom years of the 1920s, the 1950s, and the 1980s and ’90s. The media environments have shifted, from newspapers to radio and TV to the internet. But the core complaint has been the same, as is the proposed remedy. All these antiliberal groups—the slaveholding South, the white Southern populists of the Jim Crow era, the Klan, the Birchers, the followers of Pat Buchanan—have feared that their idea of America as a nation of “small government, maximum freedom, and a white, Christian populace” was under attack. All have believed elite cabals involving “Wall Street,” Jewish bankers, “cosmopolitans,” Eastern intellectuals, foreign interests, and Black people have conspired to keep the common white man down. All have sought to “make America great again,” by defending and restoring the old hierarchies and traditions that predated the Revolution. The most successful leaders of these populist movements have always played to popular fears and resentments of the “elite,” the “liberal media,” and government bureaucrats who supposedly have contempt for “the people.” Like Trump, they have flouted conventional norms of political and social behavior. William Buckley noted that the very “uncouthness” of George Wallace seemed to “account for his general popularity.” James Burnham marveled at how Joseph McCarthy’s “inept acts and ignorant words” had a “charismatic” quality that well expressed the fears and angers of his devoted followers. Opponents of the late-nineteenth-century white-supremacist populist Senator Ben Tillman of South Carolina called him “a transparent charlatan,” recklessly appealing to “the passions and prejudices of the ignorant” and wielding “the dynamic power of hatred.” What their critics saw as boorishness and malevolence, however, their followers saw as strength and defiance against a world stacked against them. These were not the tame “conservers” of classical liberalism that some intellectuals claim as the true “conservatism” of America. They have been rebellious opponents of the system, “wreckers,” unabashedly antiliberal in both thought and manner, and that is what made them popular. The Trump movement is no freakish aberration, therefore. Like the demon spirit in a Stephen King novel, it has always been with us, taking different forms over the decades, occupying first one party, then another, sometimes powerfully influential, other times seemingly weak and disappearing. Today it has taken control of the Republican Party as it once controlled the Democratic Party. And although people can point to many recent, proximate causes of its latest manifestation as the Trump movement, the search for such causes misses the point. The problem is not the design of the American system. It is not the Electoral College, which not so long ago favored the Democratic Party much as it today favors Republicans. It is not political polarization per se, which has often shaped American politics. It is not the internet or Fox News. It is not the economy: these movements have flourished in good times as well as bad. It is not this or that war, or any particular foreign policy. The problem is and has always been the people and their beliefs. As in the past, millions of Americans are rebelling against the constitutional order and the liberalism it protects, and millions more, out of blind political allegiance, fear and hatred of the Democratic Party and “woke” culture, and out of ignorance or indifference to the consequences, are willing to go along with their party’s radical antiliberal wing even if it leads to the overthrow of the American system of government and perhaps the dissolution of the nation. . . . Writing like that may be over the head of some Trump (and Biden) supporters but it is certainly not over the head of Steve Schwarzman — one of the few major CEOs openly supporting Trump.* Steve, a friend of more than half a century, has, I believe, at least temporarily lost has way (having nicely found it not that long ago). Nor is it over the head of most Republican Senators or Congresspersons who privately detest Trump but lack the patriotism to put country over career or the courage (more understandably) to risk their own personal safety. November’s election is between two systems: One, where you have to live in fear if you criticize the leader; the other, where you don’t. *“Not a single Fortune 100 chief executive has donated to the candidate so far this year, which indicates a major break from overwhelming business and executive support for Republican presidential candidates dating back over a century.” — Jeffrey Sonnenfeld IN CASE YOU MISSED IT EARLIER THIS MONTH What to expect If He Wins.
A Frightening Study In Debasement — And More June 23, 2024 1. Andy Borowitz, famed for his satirical headlines, gets serious about V.P. hopeful Elise Stefanik. A frightening study in debasement. How good people can succumb to pressures that turn them into bad people. It happened in Germany 90 years ago, too. 2. This happened in Philadelphia Mississippi the summer I graduated from high school. As reflected on by today’s residents, black and white. One, Dawn Lea Mars Chalmers, was a freshman at Ole Miss when ‘Mississippi Burning‘ hit theaters. I was just so ashamed that I didn’t know much about [the murders]. I can’t even believe that the sensationalism of Hollywood is what made me understand what a big deal it was. I remember calling my parents and being, like, ‘What the hell?’ My father talked very little about it. [When] I pressed him, he said, ‘Dawn Lea, there are things that I just do not think it is safe for you to know.’ And that’s where he left it. All these years later, she concludes: “My God, can we not move forward while still talking and understanding what happened in the past?” 3. Campaigning on Inflation Leaves Egg on Trump’s Face — Yolk’s on Him. But as with immigration — his other big issue — the yolk’s on him only if enough people know the facts. And right now, most don’t. The fact on immigration, and the very real border crisis, is that Democrats have for decades been trying to work with Republicans to fix immigration. > Obama was all set to sign a bi-partisan bill that passed the Senate 68-32 and that would have passed the House with a bi-partisan majority — had the Republican Speaker allowed it to come to a vote. The Republicans killed it. > Biden was all set to sign a bi-partisan bill that would have passed Congress — and flooded the border with the resources and rule changes needed to solve the crisis — had Trump not killed it. But he did. That’s right: Trump killed it. He insisted the crisis continue so he could ride it to re-election, his only chance to shut down the three serious criminal prosecutions he faces. People need to understand: it’s his crisis now. He owns it. He‘s the only reason it’s been prolonged. He could solve it tomorrow if he told his stooges in Congress — like Elise Stefanik — to pass that bill. The fact on inflation is that COVID disrupted the global supply chain and sent prices soaring. Those high prices caused — and continue to cause — terrible hardship. But Biden didn’t cause the hardship; he averted a depression — while fighting to get inflation back down very close to where it needs to be, even as wages are rising and almost anyone who wants a job can find one. He wants to finish the job. Trump, by contrast, plans to send prices SOARING by imposing tariffs — which American companies and consumers will have to pay — on everything we import. And by tightening the labor market and disrupting supply by moving millions of undocumented workers into “camps.” (Of course, he doesn’t pitch it that way.) “Despite all the noise Trump makes about Biden’s inflationary policies, Trump’s own prescription—much higher tariffs, a politicized Fed, a devalued dollar, and record federal deficits—is sure to make inflation much worse.” If you can find time, read — and share — the whole piece. It even explains the price of eggs.
Macro Economics June 21, 2024June 20, 2024 Paul London in The Hill: History Tells Us the Danger the Economy Faces Is Recession, Not Inflation U.S. economic history warns that raising the cost of public and private borrowing increases the danger of recession. In 2024, this risk far outweighs the risk of renewed inflation. Geopolitical challenges from Russia, China and Iran, and today’s fast-changing, disruptive, tech-driven economy instead require more and less costly credit and spending to promote the expansion and modernization of defense industries and civilian economic transformation. Worth reading in full. As is: Ian Simmons in Forbes: Why Extending Trump’s Tax Cuts Should Concern Long-Term Investors . . . That Trump wants to extend his 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act should come as no surprise. . . . [But the TCJA dramatically increased the national debt and was arguably a senseless giveaway to foreign investors, a topic I wrote about in March. Another one of the law’s troubling elements was a new deduction for owners of so-called pass-through businesses. The provision was 50 times more likely to help the top 1% of earners . . . than those in the bottom 50% . . . . . . Tax cuts for billionaires are a bad deal for the vast majority of investors. R.I.P. EDWARD RYAN Ralph M.: “Thank you for posting this. It reminded me of a moment early in the 2004 Presidential race. Howard Dean was campaigning in Iowa in what looked like a middle school cafeteria. An older woman in the back got the mike and expressed her displeasure over Vermont’s Civil Union law. His answer (paraphrased from memory): I understand your concern. I grew up in a conventional family and a culture that was not comfortable with homosexuality and I was no different. But as Governor, I was confronted by people who said that if civil marriage conveyed certain benefits and privileges then those same benefits and privileges should be available to anyone — no matter whom they loved. At a campaign rally, an older gentleman came up to me and said, “I was on the beaches of Normandy, and I think I earned the right to love whoever I love.” “Howard Dean won my vote that night and, more importantly, he may have won the vote of the woman questioner.” Diane D.: “I’ll always believe that love wins out; but it is often a small, quiet win. R.I.P. Edward Ryan — may you and Paul have the life in the afterlife that you should have been able to have here.”